장음표시 사용
411쪽
esset tuai means. Were these duties only framedio restrain the liberty of the pressi in America, the operation of this laW wili do it effectu ally, and the precedent may in future times be pleaded
It may seem to many, that charters sor American ROVernments Were granted without much consideration, Without regard to any thing butthe petitioner's request. But this is a great mistahe. It was expressty covenanted, that the adventu rers 1 hould persorio certain condition son their side; in consideration of Whicli, theywere to e oy certain benesiis. With what righttheia can any man, or any body of men, intersere
in sicli solemn compadis, uniess sum cient causeis administered Z What disco Uragement Wouldhence aris e to future fetilements t what diminutation os regat authority l an authori ty Wisely sup- posed ever to subsist in the croWia, sor publicbenesit. This way of reasoning seems just to the writer,as meli as to the Americans in generat who live Under these granis, and Who litile suspect thalthe tenure of their Property, the ei oyment of heir liberties, the possession Os every thing theyeste em valvabie, is entirely at the mercy of mentotalty ignorant of their condition and abilities, nay, many of Whom may justly be supposed, si omwhat has happened, to be altogether ignorant that they are the descendants of Englissimen, claim the like privileges, and look up to the fame royal foverei gn sor protection.
412쪽
Canada, and iis dependen cies, a Vast country, superior in extent, equat in number of inhabitanis to me ancient empires, that malae nocontemptibi e figure in history, is a conqueredcountry ; it belonged to the French, Was a thornin our sides, and was at tength wrested fronathem, by great military viriue, and the permis sion of Providence. Conditions os surrendermere stipulated, and these stipulations are to bethe basis of ali regulations in that country. Is no CXPressi agreement Was made, that they siould
ei oy the Britisti privilege of having no montes
raised Upon them, but by the consent of theirrepresentatives, the Britisti parti ament have aright, as Weli as pomer, to mal e what asTestimentsupon it they think fit. But it is apprehended, that the case of our Colonies sprUng from oUrseives, and living Under charters expressty grant-ing them particular exemptions, is very different. Otherwi se there Would be no adVantage to have
been horn the subjects of Great Britain, sincethey must yield to the fame harm terms whichmen subjected by the sword, have been subjectedio; be governed by laWs, and their propertydis possed of by regulations, in the mahing of whicli they have no voice, can give no dissent. The public prinis inform us sufficiently of the
disquietude whicli these imprudent meas res have produce I : the administration, doubiless, have yet more perplexing accountS; riotS, tUmUlis, and every species of an archy, that People, madwith the prospect of oppression, can exemplis y. What
413쪽
What can be done under sicli circumstances t To reverse these fatal adis and regulations, maystem to encoUrage a licentious rabbie to oppose every adt of power, hoWeVer conduci ve to the
public good, is it squared not With popularopinion. To persevere in a resolution, to subjectsuch untractabie spiriis, even by force, is it was necessary, Would be nexi to distraction. Ourwise neighbours atready see this, and rise in their demands, increase in their obstinate refusal toOUr Clainis, in proportion to the prospect of this
dis union. A dangerous precedent On One hanii, as some may think, to reverse Without triat an adt of the supreme legistature: on the other aruinous civit discord. These are among the Un- fortunate legacies to the present administration. It may perhaps be replied, that the Americans ought to be redUCed to reason by any means, rather than the supreme authority of a Britim legislature saould be trealed With opposition oreontempt: that they ought to lime remonstrate lagainst grievances When seli, and not to revolt against goVerninent, sor imaginary eviis. All thisis granted. But let Us for a moment place our selves in their siluation.
Many of these peopte fled from tyranny and oppression, and took ali the care they could, in
The sons have been taught to esteem these privileges as the most sacred deposit, and in
414쪽
desence of whicli they ought to risque eversthing. When the resolutions os partiament Were sentover to America, and the inhabitants. found the privileges Whicli they deemed most sacred, werreto be abolished sor ever; What could be expected Dom persons bred up almost in independency, and fuit os republican sentiments t Thev were structi With the deepest astonishment; they at
temper as could be expected from peopte in this siluation ; others, With such evident totiens ofresentinent, as plainly indicated that reason ii adsor the time forsook them. But when they Were informed by their agenis, that their remonstrances Could not be heard : that the meas ure Was finalty resolved on, without theirbeing allowed to explain thenaselVes in any man-
415쪽
eqUal to I s. 6 d. or a s. in the colonies. So
Ieged, that the Americans are represented, asmuch copyholders, as many large towns and
Populous communities in this hingdom. It is amazing how such an opinion could possest themind os any man os reflection. I here is not aman in this Lingdom, be his condition ever solow in lisse, Who may not be i id to have an influence in the choice os our representatives, though not worth a single milling. He can atteast mahe pari os the mob, and litigeta sor theman he likes. But is he has property, his influence rises in proportion. I here are peopte In this capital, who are netther freemen, norsreeholders, yet have it in their power greatlyto affect the choice of representatives in thiscity, as weli as in many paris of the nation. Can an American do this t How vain was the
416쪽
ψo a Conserations relathe to the
It has been proposed by me, that the colonies ought to be represented in the Britissa senate, by members cliose by the Americans. This in-deed proVes, that they are not yet represented there, in the opinion of those who malae the proposition, and this is some palliation to the Pressent extraVagancies : but the writer thinlisthey never mould be ; and that it is the mutuat interest of the colonies, and Great Britain, thalno deputies si om North America should everhave a se at in the Britisti senate. Can they send any deputies, who will at noti me giVe up their own, or the British liberties, for a place or a pension Z The more distant theyare from their constitUenis, the more they are exposed to temptation. The lesis property thesedeputies have, the lese Will be the purchase of their votes. Will Americans, who are able toserve their country, and of independent fortunes, he at ali times willing to risque their lives acrossilie ocean in this service ξ Will the distance ad mit them to consuli their constituenis, during the sessions t Must we have an auxiliary ariny os American pensioners, in conjunction with sonaeother distant members, not lessi purchaseabie, to bear down the fons os freedom and independen ce
417쪽
In forming our opinioris of the degree of subjection to be expected frona the Americans, Weshould place ohirselves in their siluation, and Consuli reason, the laWs of nature and nations. Toform our ideas of this poliat, frona precedents tobe sciund in Englista history, is vain. England
possibili ty of the colonies being represented in the Britissa legistature, by any other than thel ing's person, who, as a part of the legissature, was liable to have his advisers called to account, Ff the Britissi subjects whom he therein represente i, were not governed as they ought to be. A governor, the king's representative, fessides in every province . No laWs caia be passed mitti out his consent; nor are these laws valid tillthey have received the royal approbation athome. Thus the allegi ance of the Americansis at once secure 1 to the mollier coxantry, and care is talien that no ach snali be passed in any one goversament, that saal l be detrimental to an
418쪽
ψοι Considerations relative to the
refractory to the jult destres of the crown, thereare many legat expedients by whicli a governor
io instruct the American governors, that a stampaet would be usses hil to the respective goVern menis, and to apply to their severat holises of representatives on this occasion, laying besoree ach the generat plan Upon Whicli they were toPrOceed. Would this have been refused i Most Probably not. They would have seen their own security, and the good of the state, ianited in astamp aet, conducted by persons ac quainted withthe state of the country, and ab ility of iis inhabitants ; whicli, permit me to say, are not sogenerally, so fully understood in this cohantry, asis necessary sor Our own salie, as weli as theirs :this I assert not at random, or mere conjecthare, hut stom datly observation and eXperience. Should America in processe of time be come thegreater Country, and the residen ce of a monarchos iis own ; should a parti ament there be formedos representatives wholly Americans; slaould this legislature take Upon them to tax Great Britain, and have the power in their hands to compet iis submission, or to reduce it to extreme distressi,
419쪽
MVe evident proosse of it; and that it Would be-Come them either to stand by thenaseives, or look
and to enforce the acts that have given sicli universat discontent through America, and operaeda prospeet os ruin to thousands in this country, who deserve a better fate. Let Us trace the effects of this counsel. The Americans, they say, Will soon submit to this, and every other adi the Britissa parti ament thini fit to prescribe. But are they sure this mill bethe result 8 Admit however that these gentiemenare in the right, that the Americans quietly stib-mit to parti amentary authority; yet they mustlikewise admit, that the Americans in generalare dis gusted with a law, that deprives them ofwhat they plainly teli us they thinii their birth- right. Whether they thinii right or Wrong, is nothing to the argument; it is enough that this persuasion is generat : sorce may prevali Uponthem to ast against their persuasion; but will itfollow that force mill change their opinion 8 Byno means: rigour, and enforcing, m y possibiyoblige them to submit, tili it is in their powerto emancipate themselues, not Dom internat laxes
the means employed to sorce them to obedienceare more discus ut and compulsory.
420쪽
4o6 Cons ferations relative to the
HOW much more advantageous would it be tothis nation, could the legistat ire unite in this single consideration : By What means Great Bri talia can most effectu alty render it the interest an linclination of her colonies, to continue not Onlydependent Upon, but inviolabj attached to her. Ιt is hard to gain a dispassionale hearing, against prejudices that statier at once our Vanitypnd our avarice. I f the si amp adt is repealed, Me encourage the Americans to si alie OT ali de pendence : this is the generat language, I OWia, and am serry sor our own saltes that it is so, be- cause it betrays our vani ty and selfisanest. Themost sanguine abettors of enforcing cannot Vindicate the act itself, nor urge one plea sor iis neceTity ; at least I have netther feen nor heardany reas nable arguments on this he ad. Is thenan act has been passed by the Britissa legistature, that carries evident totiens of impropriety, WoUidit not be more prUdent to rescinii sicli an actiand to convince the Americans, that they Willeuer meet Witti justice in the Britim senate, 'stould they at any time be in danger os oppression by imprudent conduct ; rather than persist in a mistake, because it has once been ad ted, and hold put to them an example of injud totis adheren Ce to errorS Once committed Z What mould we think of such a conduct in private list y Yet justice, equi ty, moderation, and good sense,are the fame, whether they relate to the concerns of pri ate men, or of states and empireS. In reflecting on this subject, one cannot but