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rcasons of the adversaries of non-resistance. I now proceed to the thii dand last thing proposed, namely, the consideration os the objections dra nfrom the pretended consequences of non-resistance.
XLI. First then it will be objected, that in consequence of that notion, we musto belle ve that God hath, in severat instances, laid the innocent part of manlii rad under an Unavoidable necessity of enduring the greatest sufferings and hardstsps without any remedy; whicli is plainly inconsistent with the divine wisdom and goodnesi: and there re the principiesrom Whence that consequenco flows, ought not to be admitted as a lawos God or nature. In anfwer to whicli I observe, we must caretallydistinguilli belween the necessary and accidental consequences of a moralia . The former kind are those whicli the law is in iis own nature calculated to produce, and which have an inseparabie connexion with thoobservation os it; and indeed is ilicse a re bad, we may justly conclude the law to be so too, and consequently not fio m God. But the accidental consequences of a law have. no intrinsic natural connexion with,
nor do they strictly speahing flow Dom iis observation, but are the genuine result of something foretgn and circumstantial, which happens tobe joined with it. And these accidental consequences of a very goodlaw may neverthelesse be very bad , whicli badiae se of theirs is to bo
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srom the observation os others. But it is plain that the severat calamities and devastations, whicli oppressive go vertaments bring on the worid, arenot the genuine necessary effects of the law, that enjoineth a passive subjection to the supreme power, netther are they included in the primaryintention thereos, but spring from avarice, ambition, CrUel ty, re Venge, and the like inordinate affections and vices raging in the breasts of go- vernors. They may not theresore argue a defect of Wisdom or goodnessin God's law, but os righteousnest in men. XLII. Such is the present state of things, se irregular are the wilis, and so un restra ined the passions of men, that we e very day see manifestbreaches and violations of the laws of nature, which being always committed in favour of the wiched, must surely be sonaetimes attended withheavy di sed vantages and miseries, on the part of those who by a firmadhesion to his la s endeavour to approve themselves in the eyes of their Creator. There a re in mori, no rules of morali ty, not excepting thebest, but what may subject good men to great sufferings and hard ships, whieli necessari ly follows frona the wichediaest of those they have to dealwith, and bat accidentalty from those good rules. And as on the oneliand it were inconssistent With the wisdom of God, by lassering a retaliation os fraud, perjury, or the like on the head os offenders, to punish onetransgression by another: so on the other hand, it were inconsistent withhis justice, to leave the good and innocent a liopolesi sacrifice to the wicked. God there re hath appotnted a day of retribution in another lise, and in this wo have his grace and a good conscience for our support. e mouid not there re re pine at the divine laws, or meis a froward-nesi or impatience of those transient sufferings they accidental ly exposcus to , which howeVer grating to flesti and blood, will 3 et stem os sinali moment, is we compare the litilenesi and fleetingnese of this presentworld with the glory and eternity of the next.
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ed doctrine of non-resistance were sese, though the eviis incurred there hysmouid be allowed ne ver se great. But perhaps upon a strict examination they will be Mund much lesse than by many they are thought to he. Themisthievous effect s whicli are charged on that doctrine may be reducedio these two potnis. First, that it is an encouragement for ali go vernor sto hecome tyranis, by the prospect it gives them os impunity or non-resistance. Secondiy, that it renders the oppression and crueity of those who are tyranis, more in supportabie and violent, by cutting ois ali opposition, and consequently ali means of redress. I mali consider each of
these distinctiy. As to the firil potnt, ei ther you'li suppose the governorsto be good or ill men. Is they are good, there is no fear of their hecom- ing tyranis. And is they a re ill meta, that is, such as postpone the observation of God 's laws to tho satisfying of their own lusis, then it cari bono security to them, that Others mill rigidly observe those morat precepis, whicli they find them selves se prone to trangress. XLIV. It is in deed a breach of the law os nature sor a subject, thoughunder the greatest and most v ust suster ings, to list up his hand against
the supreme power. But it is a more heinous and inexcusabie violation of it, sor the persens invested with the supreme power, to use that power to the ruin and destruction of the peopte committed to their
that others will not be pushed on by the strong implanted appetite os
self-preservation, to commit a crime, when he himself commits a more brutim and un natural crime, perhaps thout any provocation at alit
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non-resistance preached and proved, and recommended to our practice, is in ali lihelthood, when things come to an eg tremi ty, men Will ne verobserve it ξ I anfwer, to the very fame purposse that any other duty is preached. For What duty is there whicli many, tOO many, upon se me consideration or other may not he prevalled on to transgress t Moralist sand divines do not preach the duties of nature and religion, with thevie N of gaining manliind to a perfeci observation of them; that theyhno is not to be done. But, however, our Pa ins a re an Mered, is wecan malae men test sin ners than other isse they would be; is by opposing the sorce of duty to that os present interest and passion, we can get thebetier of me temptatioris, and balance others, while the greatest stili re main invinci ble. XLVI. But granting those who are in vested with the supreme powerto have ali imaginable securi ty, that no cruei and barbarous treat mentwhate ver could provolae their subjects to rebellion: yet I belle ve it mayhe justly questioned, whether such securi ty would tempt them to moreor greater acts of crueity, than jealoust, distrust, suspicion and reven gemay do in a state lesse secure. And se far in consideration of the first
XLVII. The second mischievous effect it was charged with, is, thatit renders the oppression and crueity of those who are tyranis more insupportabie and violent, by cutting oss ali opposition, and consequently alimeans of red rest. But, is things are rightly considered, it Will appear, that red resting the eviis of govern ment by sorce, is at best, a Very ha-Zardous attempi, and what osten puis the public in a worse state than it was besore. For ei ther you suppost the power of the rebeis to be buttaall, and ea si ly crus hed, and then this is apt to inspire the governors
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with confidence and crueity. Or, in case you suppose it more considerable as to be a match sor the supreme power supported by the publictrea re, foris and armies, and that the whole nation is engaged in a civilwar; the certain effects of this are rapine, bloodshed, misery, and confusion to ali orders and parties of men, greater and more insupportabie by far, than are known under any the most absolute and severe tyrannyopon earth. And it may be that aster much mutuat flaughter, the re
change it into beller hands. Anil may not this come to past without theexpence, and toti, and blood of war t Is not the heari os a prince in theliand of God i may he not there re give him a right sense of his duty, or may he not cali him out of the world by sicliness, accident, or theliand of me desperate russian, and send a better in his steadi When Ιspeali as of a monarchy, I Would be understood to mean ali foris of go-Vern ment, Where eVer the supreme power is lodged. Upon the whole, I think we may close with the heathen philosopher, who thought it thepare of a wi se man, never to attempt the change of goverrament by force, when it could not be mended without the siaughter and banissiment of his countrymen : but to sit stili, and pray for beller times '. For this way may do, and the other may not do; there is uncertain ty in both courses. The differen ce is, that in the way of rebellion, we are lareto increase the public calamities, for a time at least, though we are nottare of lessening them sor the future. . XLVIII. But though it mould be acknowledged, that in the main, submission and patience ought to be recommended; yet, men will be still
nary measures; and there re in case the oppression be insupportabie, and the prospect os deli verance fure, whether rebellion may not be allo ed. Plato in Epis. 7-
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Oft I ans ver, by no means. Perjury, or breach of Lith, may, in se me possibie cases, bring great ad vantage to a nation, by Deeing it frona conditions inconsistent with iis liberty and public wellare. So likewise, may adultery, by procuring a domestic heir, prevent a Lirigdom's falling into the hands of a forctgn power, which would in ali probabili ty prove iis
ruin. Yet will any man say, the extraordinary nature of those cases can
suppose. But it hath been me n, that rebellion is as truly a crime against nature and reason as ei ther of the Bregoing, it may not theresere be justisaed upon any account Whate ver, any more thala they.
XLIX. Whati must we then submit our neclis to the Mord i and is there no help, no refuge against extreme tyranny est abii med by lawt Inanswer to this, I say in the sirst place, it is not to be seared that men in their istis mould seeli the destruction of their people, by such cruei andun natural decrees as me are forward to suppose. I say, secondiy, that in ca se they mould, yet most certainly the subordinate magistrates may
- When I wrote this, I could not think any man would avow the justifying tho crimes on any pretexi : but I since find that an author supposed the fame who publimedihe book entilled, The Rights of the Chrisian Chureb) in a discour se concerning obedienceto the supreme powers, printed with three other discourses at London, in the year I7os, chap. 4. p. 28. speaking of divine laws, is not assiamed to assert, there is no lare whisbwholh relates to man, but cesses to oblige, is upon the in ite varisu os circumsances attendiet human ne irs, it happens to be contrarγ to the good of man. So that, accordi m to this wri Dr, parricide, incest, or breach of faith, become innocent things, is, in the infinite variety of circumstances, they should happen to promote sor be thought by any private person to promo te in the public good. Aster What has been at ready said, I hope I need not be at any pains to ConVince the reader of the absurdi ty and pernicioum ess of thi, n6tion. Ι shali only observe, that it appears the author WaS ted into it, by a more than Ardinary aversion to passive Obedi mee, Whicli Put him upon meam ring or limiting that dii ty, and , with equat reason, ali OtherS, by the public good, to the entire utili intingos ali order and morali ty among men. And it must be O ned the transition was very
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not, nay, they ought not, in obedience to tho se decrees to aft any thingcontrary to the expresse la s of God. And perhaps, ali things considered, it will be thought, that representing this limitation of their active obedience by the laws of God or nature, as a duty to the ministers of the su preme poWer, may prove in those extravagant supposed cases notest effectuat for the peace and sese ty of a nation, than preaching u P the. po er of resistance to the people.
L. Further, it Will probably be objected as an absurdity in the doctrine os passive obedience, that it erioineth subjects a blind implicit submission to the decrees os other men; whicli is unbecoming the digni tyand Deedom os rea nable agents, who indeed ought to pay obedience totheir superiora, but it should he a rational obedience, such as arises stoma linowledge of the equi ty of their laws, and the tendency they have topromote the public good. To whicli I an er, that it is not lihely agoverninent should suffer much sor want of having iis laws inspected and amended, by those who are not legalty intilled to a mare in the management of affairs of that nature. And it must he confessed, tho buth of manliind a re by their circumstances and occupations, se far unqualisledio judge of such matters, that they must necessarily pay an implicit desere ceto me or other, and to whom so properti as to those invested with the supreme po er tLU There is another objectioni against absolute submission, whicli Istould not have mentioned, but that I sind it insisted on by men of so
otius de iure belli S pacis, i. r. c. 4. s. 7. U Pinendo de jure natur gen-ritim, l. 7. c. 8. f. 7.
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they meaned to lay every subject under a necessit y of choosing dcath, ra-ther than in any case to resist the crueity of his superiors, it cannot heimagined, they would an wer in the affirmative. For this were to putthem selves in a worse condition, than that whicli they endeavoured toavoid by entering into society. For although they were besore obnoxi-ous to the injuries of many, they had neverthelest the power os resistingiliem. But now they are bou nil, without any opposition at all, to en- dure the greatest injuries froin those whom they have armed with theirown strength. Whicli is by so much worse than the former state, as theundergoing an execution is Worse than the hagard of a batile. But passing by ali other exceptions whicli this method os arguing may be lia-ble to) it is evident, that a mari had beller be exposed to the absolute irresistit,le decrees, even os one single person, Whose oWn and posterity'strue interest it is to preserve him in peace and plenty, and protest hi mfroin the injuries of ali man kind heside, than remalia an open prey to the rage and avarice of e very wiched man Upon earth, Who Cither ex- ceeds him in strength, or talies him at an advantage. The truth of thisis confirmed, as well by the constant experience of the far greater partos the worid, as by What we have atready observed concerning anarchy, and the inconsisterice of such a state, with that manner of life whicli human nature requires. Hence it is plain, the objection last mentione lis bulli on a false supposition ; viz. That men, by quitiing the naturalstate of anarchy for that os absolute non-resisting obedience to govern-ment, Mould put themselves in a Worse condition than they were in
LII. The last obiection I mali tahe notice of is, that in pursu ance of
the premi sed doctrine, where no exceptions, no limitations are to beallowed os, it should Qem to solio , men were bound to submit without maliing any opposition to usurpers, or even madmen possessed of the supreme authori ty. Whicli is a notion so absurd and repugnant to
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called in question. No , in order to clear this potnt, I observe thel imitation os morat duties may be understood in a two id sense, either first as a disti nection applied to the ternas of a proposition, Whereby that which was expressed besere too generalty is limited to a particular acceptation : and this, in truth, is not so properly limiting the duty as defining it. Or secondly, it may be understood as a suspending the observation os a duty for avoiding me extraordinary inconvenience, and ther eby confining it to certa in occasions. Arad in this last sense only, we have mewn negative duties not to admit os limitation. Having premi sed this rema rh, I mahe the following aras er to the objection. Name ly, that by virtve of the duty of non-ressiance, We are not obliged to submit the disposal of our lives and fortunes to the discretion cither of madmen, or os ali those who by crast or violence invade the supreme power.
Because the object of the submission enjoined subjects by the lais of nature is, Dom the rea n of the thing, inani sest ly limited se as to ex clude both the one and the other. Whicli I mali not go about to prove, hecause I believe no body has dented it. Nor doth the annexing soch limits to the objech of our obedience, at ali limit the duty it self, in the
LIII. In morali ty the eternal rules of action have the se me immuta-ble, universat truth with propositions in geometry. Neither of them depend on circumstances or accidenis, heing at ali times, and in ali places, without limitation or exception true. Thou Dali not messi the supreme o Hροπer, is no lese constant and unalterable a rute, sor modeliing the bella visur os a subject toward the government, than multiplν the height θ ειν the base, is sor measuring a triangle. And as it Would not be thought to tetrast Do in the universali ty of this mathematical rute, that it did not ex ad ly measure a field which was not an exact triangle, so ought it not iobe thought an argument against the universali ty of the rule presserining passive
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passive obedience, that it does not reacti a man's practice in ali cases, where a go vern ment is unliinged, or the supreme power disputed. There must he a triangle, and you must use your senses to know this, he rethere is room for applying your mathematical rute. And there must bea civit go vernment, and you must know in whose hands it is lodged, be- fore the morat precept talies place. But Where the supreme power is asecertained, we mould no more doubt of our submission to it, than wewould do ubi of the WV to measum a figure we know to be a triangle. LIV. In the various changes and fluctuations of govern ment, it is impossibie to preverit that controversies strould semetimes ari se concerning
the stat of the supreme poWer. And in such cases subjects cannot be de nied the liberty of judging sor them selves, or of tali ing part with some, and opposing others, according to the best of their judgments. all whichig consistent with an exast observation of their duty, se long as, when the constitution is clear in the potnt, and the object of their submission un- doubiod, no pretexi Os interest, friends, or the Public good, can mallei hem depare from it. In mori, it is achno Vledged, that the precept enta j oining non-resistance is limited to particular Objecis, but not to particularoedasions. Arad in this it is like ali other morat negative duties, whieli considered as generat propositions, do admit os limitations and restrictions, in order to a distinet definition of the duty; but What is once linown to be a duty of that seri, can never become other i se by any good or ill e
sest, circumstance, Or event What Bever. And in truth is it were not so is there mere no generat inflexibie rules, but ali negative a s weli as po- sive duties might be dispensed with, and warpt to serve particular interests and o casions, there Mere an end of ali morali ty.
LV. It is there re evident, that as the observation os any other negative moral la , is not to be limited to those instances only, where it may produce good effecis; so nei ther is the observation os non- resistanc e